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Research
Questions
Last updated: October 23rd, 2008
At some point, it would be great to get around to answering questions, but
for now, I'll just ask them. Some of the questions that follow are
absurd and poorly thought out. Others are less so. Most probably
have answers that I have yet to stumble upon. If you know of any
satisfactory answers to these questions, please let me know!
Organizational Economics
- [9/29/08]
I suspect that the need for coordination is more important to
understanding the inner workings of firms than we give it credit for
being. (Though there is certainly some new and exciting work
being done on understanding the trade-offs between coarse communication
and coordination.) However, my suspicion is that strategic
communication concerns are not the most important downside to
centralization of decisionmaking power. There is a lot of merit
to the idea that a manager simply has a finite amount of information
processing ability. If we interpret this as imposing a constraint
on the Shannon entropy
of the manager's decisionmaking function, how far can we get in
understanding the trade-off between the information processing
limitations of managers on the one hand and the improved ability to
coordinate decisions on the other? Where do other economic actors
fit into this formulation, and can it help us understand the structure
of decisionmaking hierarchies?
- [10/4/08] This note
takes a first step in answering this question. I argue that in a
world with no finite Shannon capacity constraints, it is optimal to
allocate all decision rights to the least biased party in an
organization. However, by introducing these constraints, this
allocation produces higher decisionmaking variance. In short,
there is a trade-off between diplomacy and overload.
- [4/27/08] What is the effect of social learning
within an organization? Can a monitor serve to break "incorrect"
informational cascades by providing appropriate incentives after having
observed the actions of other agents? This is related to the
first [4/27/08] question under the topic of general equilibrium theory.
- [4/27/08] Ellison and Holden (2008) consider
the idea of bounded communication between a principal and an agent
within an organization. They are particularly interested in the
second-best breadth of "rules" governing the actions of an agent.
Throughout, they abstract from the notion of incentives to gain
tractability. Are there any meaningful interactions betwen
optimal incentive schemes and bounded communication?
- [4/9/08] I examine this question in this note,
written for a course on organizational economics taught by Bob Gibbons
and Oliver Hart. In short, I find the trivial result that, when a
principal cannot perfectly communicate his desired action to an agent,
hence bringing up the possibility of an agent making a "mistake," the
optimal linear incentive scheme is muted.
- [4/27/08] Can an ex post randomization of sharing rules increase efficiency in a partnership?
- [3/18/08] This is the subject of this note,
written for the Gibbons/Hart class on organizational economics. I
find that, under some circumstances, ex post randomization can increase effort provision, but I have not
yet worked out whether or not the costs in terms of increased risk
outweigh the benefits.
- [3/6/08]
How does product market competition affect the optimal ownership
structure of a firm? How about non profit organizations?
- [5/13/08] The first of these questions is addressed in this paper,
written for the Gibbons/Hart course on organizational economics.
I find that, under a particular notion of competition, product market
competition can indeed affect the optimal decision rights allocation
within a firm.
- [2/29/08]
Have dynamics been incorporated into the theory of the firm?
(Not in the sense of relational theories of the firm.) How
significant are future expectations of market conditions for today's
firm boundaries? Do different theories of the firm imply
different first order conditions? Hence, in a dynamic framework,
do they imply that different variables should be included in the Euler
equation? If so, can we test the different theories of the firm
to determine which is most relevant?
- [2/29/08]
Does it matter to the rest of the economy which theory of the
firm is the "correct one?" Do different theories of the firm
imply different information content of prices? Can we embed
different theories of the firm into a simple general equilibrium
framework to determine this?
- [12/16/07] How does the form of the contract offered affect the selection of
individuals (based on intrinsic motivation/ability/etc?) into a firm?
- [10/13/07] Innovation for the past couple decades has occurred primarily inside
vertically integrated research teams. Does vertical integration lead
to some sort of shielding effect, protecting these vertically
integrated teams from outside competition, and hence leading to less
innovation than we would otherwise see under a more competitive
structure?
Industrial Organization and Pricing
- [3/6/08]
The central result of Jonathan Vogel's "Spatial Competition with
Heterogeneous Firms" paper is that more productive firms will be more
isolated in the product space. Can this be tested?
- [3/5/08] The new two-sided markets
literature defines a market as two-sided if, in essence, tax (platform
fees) incidence matters for total quantity traded.
Unsurprisingly, given how new the theory of two-sided markets is, there
has been very little empirical work supporting it or estimating such
models. One issue is that the standard theory does not separately
identify membership fees and per unit fees. By explicitly
modeling competition on one side of the market for the customers on the
other, can we pin these values down?
- [12/12/07]
Prior to an item going on sale, do list prices increase to take
advantage of the "you save x percent" advertising?
- [2006]
Do unions compete with one another for membership and for clients? I
have difficulty understanding what economic forces keep a monopsony in
place. Is it a coordination issue?
-
[2005]
Why did gas prices not increase until after hurricane Katrina despite the
fact that it was well-known
prior to Katrina's landfall that the oil-refining capabilities of the United
States would be damaged? Doesn't economics predict that prices are a
function of expectations and therefore, shouldn't prices have increased more
smoothly? After all, if storage is possible (and it certainly is!),
then today's gasoline is a fairly decent substitute for tomorrow's gasoline.
- [2005]
How do firms behave in response to serving predictably irrational consumers?
The pricing question posed above is potentially one example. (Also see
question under decision theory below) Another example involves the
promotion dynamics of a firm which hires people who get utility from
"feeling accomplished." If we account for this, it might be possible
that the Lazear/Rosen theory of tournaments could be more efficient than the
piece rate standard of efficiency.
- [2/29/08]
Michael Grubb has a nice new paper "Selling to Overconfident
Consumers" which seeks to explain the pricing behavior of cell phone
companies.
[2004] Why do people tip? There is plenty of
justification for the supply side (why would it be in the best interest of a
company to offer tipped positions?) of the tipping phenomenon including
worker sorting and improved monitoring (that is, the customer is a better
monitor than the principal), but the justification for why the customer tips
is weak. It suffers greatly from the last period problem. The
usual band-aids for the last period problem, unknown end times and
reputation effects, can probably solve this theoretically, but I doubt the
predictions such a model would give would be supported in the data.
Perhaps some sort of peer pressure model could serve a decent explanation.
A potential data source would be credit card receipts which give the
customer's name, the restaurant name, and the server's name. Those who
return often would be expected to give a higher tip. Those who return
often and have the same server would be expected to give an even higher tip. -
[2004]
Independent of tips, is it possible to find a proxy for "quality of service"
(e.g. frequency of computer access for a particular table). Is there a
drop in "quality of service" when serving a group of eight or more where
gratuity is included? Is there a drop in service given to different
groups? (i.e. if people get a senior discount, does this decrease the
"quality of service"?) Is a higher initial tip an indicator about
whether a customer is likely to return?
-
[2004]
Why are items priced $X.99 or $X.95 instead of
$(X+1).00? How widespread is this phenomenon? Is it practiced in
other countries? Is it practiced in catalogs, online purchases,
"wealthy people" stores, "dollar" stores? Is it preserved when prices
increase? (Consider online video game worlds, auctions with less
strict pricing)
Social Economics
- [3/10/08]
Bullying can be a problem both in the school yard and in the work
place (http://abcnews.go.com/Health/MindMoodNews/story?id=4410909).
A large part of the problem is that bullying usually goes
unreported. Taking into account the relevant social concerns (among
others, reciprocity, peer pressure, and desire to fit in), is there an
incentive compatible mechanism for bullied individuals to reveal who is
bullying them? More generally, how robust are mechanisms to the
introduction of social preferences?
- [12/16/08] When a landlord accepts a housing voucher, do the housing prices in the
neighborhood decline as a result? (Landlords often turn down
prospective tenants out of "fear that a Section 8 tenant will not
properly maintain the premises." (Wikipedia) Conversely, others believe that a
section 8 tenant is "a perceived higher quality of tenants, since
[s/he] can be
permanently removed from the Section 8 program if s/he damages the
rental unit and/or fails to pay his/her share of the rent." (Wikipedia)) Does
crime increase? (Negative peer effects) Are there any good natural experiments related to housing vouchers?
[2005]
Many
outcomes of economic situations are dependent on the degree of anonymity
present. The more anonymous the economic situation, presumably the
less likely we are to see people behave altruistically and the more likely
we are to see people engage in "shirking" behavior. These claims are
likely supported in the experimental economics literature. As a
society gets larger, the more likely that the degree of anonymity between
any two randomly chosen individuals is higher. (Having never seen a
formal definition and not being so bold as to create one, I am purposefully
being vague about the definition of "degree of anonymity") From
Professor Ostroy's class, we see that, in the limit, it is in the
individual's best interest to act as a price taker (and hence not "shirk")
by virtue of such behavior being the Nash equilibrium strategy. This
"flattening effect of large numbers" is what makes economics the beautiful
subject that it is. In the other limiting case in which individual
actions have by no means an infinitesimal impact on an economy (e.g. the
workings of a family, workplace, etc.), we do not see the crippling presence
of artificially created transactions costs that we would expect. That
is not to say that we do not see these costs at all but just that they do
not destroy a small economy's ability to "work."
[2005]
How does the degree of anonymity affect the results of the divide the dollar
game? If the players do not see each others' faces or learn their
names before playing, do we get different results than if they have a
lengthy discussion on their common interests before playing?
[2005]
Is there a theorem which shows that, as an economy
expands, the degree of anonymity between any two randomly chosen individuals
is increasing? (Or at least non-decreasing?) Alternatively, is
there anything to support the
six degrees
of separation hypothesis? If this hypothesis is true, does it have
any economic significance? (Or are people who are separated by more
than one or two acquaintances effectively strangers?)
-
[2005] The degree of anonymity present should affect the level of
reciprocity (especially with respect to gift-giving) of an economy. Is
it possible to model this? Have experiments been conducted showing
this result?
-
[2005]
Why are gifts given in-kind? According to standard economic
theory, an optimal gift would be monetary (except where search and
transactions costs are sufficiently high, as in rare items), but this
is clearly not the case. Why do people prefer to receive in-kind
gifts of readily available items, especially gift certificates?
Especially curious is the existence of American Express gift
cards that have a pretty substantial fee.
-
[2005]
People clearly pay to have social ties to other people. This payment
often has both monetary components (paying money to throw a party, paying to
eat out at a restaurant) and non-monetary components (the time it takes to
plan a party). What is interesting here is that the monetary payments
go to a third party who derives no other benefit from the relationship.
Combining marginal productivity theory and social networking theory, can we
derive a system of prices for social ties? Why does it make sense for
these payments to go to those not involved in the social tie?
Decision Theory
-
[2005]
What does Arrow's Impossibility theorem have to say about whether or not we
can aggregate the preferences of a single individual over time? Why do
we ignore this and simply assume that everyone has additively separable
intertemporal utility functions? If we temporarily heed Arrow's
theorem and give up our ability to aggregate preferences over time, how do
we define the concept of optimality? Arrow's theorem allows for a
coherent dictatorial decision-making scheme; how, then would we pick which
"age" should be granted this decision-making power? I also think that
if we allow ourselves to imagine a single person as a composition of several
decision-makers in different periods, we will see that the young self
imposes externalities on the older self; how do we deal with such
externalities? Does the government aggregate preferences by only
giving weight to the age-individual (that is, a specific person at a
specific age) who will generate the largest tax revenue or vote in a
specific way?
Experimental Economics
-
[2005]
Would it be possible to perform economic experiments within a massively
multiplayer online role playing game? Benefits of doing so would be:
1) It would be possible to frame experiments in such a way that they
are not overtly seen as experiments, 2) It would be easy to
longitudinally study a player's actions, 3) There could be
ultimate control over almost all factors, and truly controlled experiments
could be possible, 4) People take these games very seriously
(See Edward Fullbrook's work) and are able to make very educated decisions.
The biggest downside would be the potential selection bias: what
members of society play these games? (Though there are millions of
people across the world that do participate in these games) In
addition, it would be difficult to control for the fact that some people
sell stuff through online auction sites (eBay) and hence are able to convert
outside wealth into inside wealth. This could possibly be detected by
examining a series of trades by an individual: those who regularly
make trades that are exceedingly in their favor are likely "culprits."
- [4/27/08] On a related note, about two
months ago, several executives from the company that created Eve-Online
gave a talk at MIT. They apparently have a good amount of rich
data from their game, and they are looking for people to analyze
it. They are also interested in setting up a central bank and
would like some input from economists.
Behavioral Economics
-
[2006] Do
people with economics training do a better job at understanding and
learning from the information contained within a price? For
example, in a prediction market, do different groups of people differ
in how they adjust their beliefs about the probability of events after
seeing the current market clearing prices? This could an
important consideration for the proposition that policy makers should
use information generated by prediction markets to inform policy
decisions.
-
[2005] Why
don't people lie more? Economic theory suggests that only in the
presence of a well-designed mechanism would individuals necessarily
tell the truth. This does not appear to be true. Perhaps
there are some sort of implicit social mechanisms which serve to elicit
the truth from individuals in many settings.
-
[2005] It is often claimed that the assumption of rationality is a "good first
approximation" to how people actually behave in the sense that individual
idiosyncrasies in effect "cancel each other out." To what extent is
this true? (i.e. for what classes of idiosyncrasies does this hold?)
I would expect that for the preferences suggested by some of the more recent
advances in behavioral economics, this property would not hold.
(Unless, of course, we assume that each idiosyncratic individual is of zero
measure in a world filled with a continuum of rational types.)
General Equilibrium Theory
Various Topics
- [4/27/08]
When individuals care about who else attends their school with them
(preferences can others can be vertical, as in the idea that students
may want to have higher ability peers, or they can be horizontal, as in
the idea that students may have friends who they would like to go to
school with), it seems unlikely that the "student optimal stable
matching" of the Gale-Shapley matching algorithm is still stable or
student optimal. Does the optimal mechanism when we allow for
these types of preferences have the property that group assignment is
optimal?
- [2/29/08] What are transactions costs?
- [9/25/08]
Do the clever mechanisms of implementation theory, which often
rely on arbitrarily large fines and ignore individual preferences for
reciprocity, still function properly when behavioral agents attempt to
use them? Can we test this experimentally?
- [9/25/08] This is the underlying question of the work in progress by Fehr, Powell, and Wilkening.
- [2005] Is it impossible to endogenize priors?
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